For the past five years, the French NGO SOS Chrétiens d’Orient has been surrounded by suspicions — particularly regarding its potential complicity in war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Syria. These suspicions were raised by investigative reports, testimonies, and widely circulated information.
Doubts deepened, however, after French authorities raided the organization’s offices, under the supervision of the Central Office for Combating Crimes Against Humanity and Hate Crimes.
The three-day raid (September 23–25) targeted three locations in Paris and its suburbs. Electronic devices and documents were seized, and several officials were questioned as witnesses.
France’s National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor’s Office stated only that the move came within the framework of an investigation opened on December 2, 2020.
To understand the nature of these suspicions and the motives behind the raids, one must return to September 2020, when Mediapart published a three-part investigation detailing the organization’s activities and networks.
An NGO Under Suspicion
According to its official website, SOS Chrétiens d’Orient describes itself as a “politically neutral organization of public interest,” founded in 2013, operating “legally and safely” in Middle Eastern countries such as Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, Ethiopia, Armenia, and Pakistan.
It claims that its teams work around the clock “to serve the peoples of the East in general, and Christians in particular,” providing humanitarian and material aid.
The organization’s stated goals focus on six areas: medical care, emergency assistance, economic and social development, cultural and heritage preservation, reconstruction, and education/youth programs.
However, Mediapart’s investigation revealed that SOS Chrétiens d’Orient had “dangerous ties” with pro-Assad militias.
It focused on the group’s activities in the Christian town of Mhardeh (Hama countryside), which the NGO described as a “symbol of Syrians’ resistance to global terrorism.”
The town was defended by local militias affiliated with the National Defense Forces (NDF), led by a man named Simon al-Wakil.
Funds were collected for Mhardeh and distributed as material aid to what the organization called “Christians defending themselves against Islamic barbarism.”
Mediapart obtained photographs showing Benjamin Blanchard (the NGO’s co-founder and general director) and Alexandre Goodarzy (its former head of mission in Syria) handling firearms.
Other images showed them with heavy weaponry and alongside NDF fighters in Mhardeh.
The NGO even honored Simon al-Wakil after the so-called “liberation” of the town — although, according to Mediapart, Mhardeh was never actually under siege or serious threat.
Similar honors were given to Nabil al-Abdallah, a militia leader from nearby Sqeilbiyyeh.
Accusations of War Crimes and Child Recruitment
Contrary to the NGO’s claims, Mediapart pointed out that these militias did not merely defend their towns.
Both Wakil and Abdallah are accused of involvement in at least seven war crimes between 2012, 2014, and 2017, which left hundreds of civilians dead in the Hama region.
Mediapart cited a 2019 interview with Simon al-Wakil in which he proudly stated:
“We, the National Defense Forces in Mhardeh, had the honor of fighting alongside the Syrian Army against terrorism in Hama, Idlib, Khanaser, and Aleppo.”
The Syrian Network for Human Rights documented that these joint offensives in 2019 — covering more than 30 towns in northern Hama, southern Idlib, and western Aleppo — were accompanied by widespread looting, with stolen goods sold in Sqeilbiyyeh.
The investigation also cited evidence that Nabil al-Abdallah recruited minors, referring to a 2015 Facebook post from the NDF’s page in Sqeilbiyyeh showing children inside a “youth dormitory on the first day of training.” The post was later deleted. Another photo showed minors handling rifle magazines.
Financial Irregularities and Direct Support for Militias
To substantiate the hypothesis of complicity, Mediapart relied not only on photographs but also on financial irregularities.
The NGO reportedly failed to provide transparent accounts and was found to have disbursed large sums in cash without credible documentation.
Statements by NGO officials suggested they distributed aid packages to “martyrs’ families” and even supplied coffee, tea, tobacco, and mate to Simon al-Wakil’s fighters.
According to Mediapart, these practices indicate material support for armed groups, blurring the line between civilians and combatants to justify assistance as “humanitarian aid.”
The investigation also highlighted links between SOS Chrétiens d’Orient and figures connected to the Assad regime, such as Hala Shaawi and the Syria Trust for Development, both of which organized propaganda events rather than meeting genuine humanitarian needs.
Political and Legal Fallout
Mediapart further cited testimony from the NGO’s former secretary-general, Olivier Demeocq, who resigned shortly after its founding due to its “communitarian and pro-Assad strategy.”
The outlet also published a 2017 photo showing Alexandre Goodarzy being honored by Syrian Tourism Minister Bishr Yaziji.
The investigation underscored the organization’s close ties to far-right French parties and figures known for their open support of Bashar al-Assad on “civilizational” grounds.
Following Mediapart’s revelations, France’s National Anti-Terrorism Prosecutor’s Office formally opened an investigation into the NGO’s possible involvement in war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The report also noted that France’s Ministry of Armed Forces terminated its partnership with SOS Chrétiens d’Orient on January 31, 2022.
Ongoing Judicial Developments
The investigative website Daraj contacted journalist Ariane Lavrilleux, who co-authored Mediapart’s investigation. She said she was unaware of what prompted the recent police raids.
In a radio interview, Benjamin Blanchard, the NGO’s director, said he had been charged with three offenses:
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Complicity in crimes against humanity (excluding genocide);
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Complicity in war crimes involving inhumane treatment of opponents, causing serious physical and psychological harm;
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Complicity in war crimes involving deliberate attacks on civilians.
The alleged acts took place between October 16, 2013 (the organization’s founding date) and November 2020.
Blanchard added that, although the investigation had been ongoing for years, he and his lawyer had not been granted access to the case file, leaving them unaware of new evidence that led to the recent raids.
Syrian–French Activists’ Role
Firas al-Quntar, a Syrian-French human rights activist and author of Syria: The Impossible Revolution, suggested possible explanations for the progress in the French investigation.
He and colleague Elias Warda had provided Mediapart’s findings and supporting evidence to French investigators.
Quntar explained that French law prohibits associations from collecting donations to finance armed groups, especially when donors receive tax deductions. It also forbids any form of religious discrimination in humanitarian work.
He added that the organization’s close ties with the French Ministry of Armed Forces gave its leaders a sense of impunity bordering on arrogance.
Quntar himself was sued for defamation in 2022 over his involvement in Mediapart’s reporting and his public commentary.
Although he lost the case in 2024 — with the court ruling that SOS Chrétiens d’Orient could not be accused without formal conviction — he stressed that his activism has continued.
Why the Case Resurfaced
Quntar believes the investigation never stopped but gained new momentum for two possible reasons:
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A whistleblower inside the organization decided to testify after years of hesitation.
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New evidence from Syria became available following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024.
He noted that many Syrians who had direct contact with the NGO — whether as workers or aid recipients — had witnessed its misconduct but were too afraid to speak until after Assad’s downfall, which finally allowed investigators to obtain previously inaccessible evidence.
Quntar downplayed any political motivation behind the renewed inquiry, saying he had contacted the Syrian Foreign Ministry in January 2025 but received no response, and that French authorities have shown little public interest in the matter.
Indeed, French media coverage of the raids was minimal, limited mainly to far-right platforms like Riposte Laïque, which described the investigation as “Macron’s judges’ latest dirty trick.”
The lack of political debate around the issue suggests it is not a priority for France’s main parties.
A Reluctant Advocate
Asked whether he would appeal his 2024 conviction, Quntar said that while the law allows it, he chose not to — for two reasons:
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The financial and emotional toll, after being ordered to pay €10,000 in damages without receiving support from any human rights organization;
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His disillusionment, saying:
“Why should I fight for a country where I am not even welcome because of my religion? My village of Dama in Suweida was burned to the ground, my father’s house and farm were completely destroyed, and my relatives’ bodies still lie where they were killed by the new regime’s forces over two months ago.”
If Quntar’s hypotheses are correct, they offer tangible evidence that war criminals in Syria can now be held accountable — evidence that was unattainable before Assad’s fall.
The Daraj website contacted SOS Chrétiens d’Orient for comment. The NGO’s media office declined to answer questions, referring instead to its previous statements — one issued on September 27, 2024, and another on September 8, 2020, responding to Mediapart’s questions.
Mediapart had sent 41 questions to the NGO for comment but received answers to only 24, with the organization refusing to comment on photos showing its members holding weapons or posing with individuals accused of war crimes.
Daraj also reached out to Wael Kasouha, the NGO’s current head of mission in Syria, who initially agreed to an interview but later provided only an Arabic copy of the group’s statement, asking journalists to contact Astrid Baudry, the NGO’s press relations officer — who did not respond.
This article was translated and edited by The Syrian Observer. The Syrian Observer has not verified the content of this story. Responsibility for the information and views set out in this article lies entirely with the author.
