Syria’s transitional government embodies a profound paradox: it is both the fruit of revolutionary achievement and the object of revolutionary expectation.
The Secretariat will oversee domestic political activities, participate in formulating national policies, and manage the assets of the dissolved Ba’ath Party and former ruling coalition, al-Modon reports.
Syria’s fragile post-conflict transition was shaken this week by a series of brutal armed attacks that left at least 13 civilians dead, Zaman al-Wasl writes.
The transitional authority is not reconstructing the state, but reconstituting obedience as a totalising structure, Malik al-Hafez argues.
The Autonomous Administration rejected any obligation to implement decisions issued by the new government, according to +963 media.
Tensions are mounting in the Middle East as Israel expresses growing concern over a potential alliance between Turkey and Syria, just as regional diplomatic voices
The new cabinet, composed of 22 ministers, reflects a blend of technocrats, returnees from the diaspora, symbolic minority figures, and key holdovers from the interim ruling coalition dominated by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham.
The new authorities have shown clear discomfort with political parties, preferring instead to engage with citizens as representatives of regions or local communities, Hussam Jazmati writes in Syria TV.
Hassoun, a known loyalist of former president Bashar al-Assad, has been a controversial figure for years.
Analysts and former officials have noted that PKK-linked figures, many of whom are non-Syrians from Turkey or Iran, continue to hold sensitive leadership roles within the SDF’s intelligence branches and special forces, Enab Baladi writes.
Coordination with the Syrian government is ongoing, an AANES official noted, particularly in regard to the establishment of specialized committees to discuss unresolved matters.
Human Rights Watch is calling on Syrian authorities to revise the constitutional declaration, urging them to incorporate robust protections for judicial independence, ensure checks on presidential powers, and establish credible oversight bodies.
Foreign fighters are not viewed as political liabilities by jihadist leaders, but as ideological safeguards, Malek Hafez argues.
While significant progress has been made, Farhan cautioned that it is too early to draw definitive conclusions or identify those responsible for the violence, al-Araby al-Jadeed writes.
Alawite Syrians stood on the periphery of the national dream, entangled in a dense net of state-manufactured illusions and fears, Wael Sawah writes.
The accord was brokered with American and French support and overseen by prominent Kurdish figures, including Masoud Barzani, President of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, and Mazloum Abdi, commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces.
Post-2003 Iraq is a stark example that toppling a tyrant does not equate to building a state, Maha Ghazal writes in Al-Modon.
While recent reports claimed that Syria had signed a deal with Russia to import oil, a Syrian official denied any official agreement, clarifying that all imports are managed through open tenders, accessible to any eligible party.
Vehicles promoting Islam have periodically toured predominantly Christian neighborhoods in Damascus, Daraj writes.
The first 100 days of this new governance offer critical insight into emerging dynamics, contradictions, and the formidable challenges Syria faces as it seeks to rebuild.
