A circular issued by the Governor of Lattakia banning female employees from wearing makeup during official working hours has triggered widespread debate. Critics view the measure as an intrusion into women’s personal choices and a test of how far local authorities may go during the transitional phase. More broadly, it has revived questions about whether current decision-making aligns with the principles of equality and non-discrimination that are meant to guide state reconstruction.
While some officials described the circular as a routine administrative step, activists and legal experts argue that its significance lies in a broader pattern: decisions that directly affect women are issued without their participation, without meaningful representation in positions of influence, and without adequate consideration of their legal, social, or economic impact.
Disputed Authority
Lawyer Soufana Khalil told Syria TV that the circular is “illegal,” issued without jurisdiction or legal basis. She said it violates the constitutional declaration for the transitional phase, entails gender-based discrimination, and infringes on personal freedom and human dignity.
Khalil argued that the measure is legally void and open to challenge, and that no administrative penalties may be imposed under it. Although temporary constitutional texts affirm equality and non-discrimination, she noted that these principles remain ineffective without clear enforcement and oversight mechanisms. Their absence, she warned, enables local decisions that contradict the spirit of equality without meaningful accountability.
Women and Decision-Making
Feminist activist Hiyam Haj Ali described women’s representation in transitional institutions as “embarrassingly low.” Previous efforts aimed to secure at least 30 percent representation to ensure women’s participation in public debate and policymaking. The results so far, she said, fall short of those commitments.
She argued that excluding women from decision-making weakens political life, undermines institutional legitimacy, and marginalises women’s needs in legislation and policy. Women’s representation in the People’s Assembly, she noted, was left to presidential discretion rather than embedded in binding electoral rules, turning representation into a matter of political will rather than a guaranteed right.
The head of the elections committee, Mohammad Taha al-Ahmad, attributed women’s “limited” participation to prevailing social customs. Observers counter that framing the issue as cultural alone risks excusing the absence of structural remedies such as quotas or political empowerment programmes. Activists say this reflects an approach that treats women’s participation as a file managed from above rather than a legal entitlement.
Data from the Karam Shaar Advisory and Studies Center show that women constitute only 4.9 percent of elected members (6 out of 122), down from 11.2 percent in the 2020 parliament. Women made up just 14.1 percent of candidates. The center cited entrenched social barriers and procedural flaws, noting that the Higher Elections Committee included only two women among eleven members and that candidate-selection bodies were overwhelmingly male.
From Policy to Practice
Administrative measures that marginalise women extend beyond symbolic control of appearance. They contribute to pushing women out of the formal labour market and limiting access to stable income and economic independence. In a context where many women are heads of household after years of war, hostile work environments risk deepening vulnerability rather than supporting recovery.
Doaa, a former employee, said workplace pressures have intensified. “When my temporary contract ended, I chose not to renew it. The psychological and professional pressure became unacceptable,” she said. Salma, who supports her family, now works in unstable conditions in a local market. “This exclusion systematically reproduces poverty and places me under double pressure,” she explained. Leila left institutional work after enduring scrutiny and comments about her clothing, opting instead for less stable independent work.
Legal Restrictions Beyond the Workplace
Controversy has also surrounded Circular No. 17 of 2025 issued by the Ministry of Justice, which critics say limits a mother’s independence in managing her children’s affairs. Hajar said the measure revived fears she believed she had overcome and made her reconsider returning to Syria. Instead of strengthening justice, she argued, such texts risk placing women’s rights under discretionary authority.
A Broader Pattern
Studies indicate that Syrian women face intersecting legal, social, and economic vulnerabilities in the post-regime period, affecting education, employment, and mental health. Weak legal protections and limited access to formal work continue to push many into informal sectors with unstable wages and few safeguards.
Taken together, the Lattakia circular and similar measures suggest more than isolated incidents. They point to an unsettled question at the heart of the transitional phase: whether women will be treated as full citizens with guaranteed rights, or whether old imbalances will reappear in new forms.
This article was translated and edited by The Syrian Observer. The Syrian Observer has not verified the content of this story. Responsibility for the information and views set out in this article lies entirely with the author.
