One of the enduring shortcomings of the Syrian revolution is that, after decades of tyranny and the regime’s monopolization of public life, Syrians never forged a shared political narrative for their future. While they united in calls for freedom and dignity, these remained abstract ideals without a coherent political program—though they swiftly agreed on one tangible goal: the overthrow of the Assad regime. The absence of a unifying narrative may have contributed, among other factors, to the revolution’s failure to achieve its ultimate aims.
When the regime suddenly collapsed in an armed uprising led by Syrian Salafi jihadist factions, it seemed to mark a unique opportunity—a moment to transform collective suffering into a shared, democratic, and prosperous future. There was hope for a society that could rise above decades of oppression through inclusive, enlightened, and future-oriented strategies. Yet the days that followed revealed how difficult it is for Syrians to separate rational, evidence-based visions of the future from emotional, instinctive responses to the traumas of the past.
The hope had been to establish mechanisms of transitional justice focused on individual rather than collective accountability—avoiding the demonization of entire communities and transforming painful memories into a shared determination to reject the darkness of the past. However, the sectarian massacres targeting Alawite Syrians—whether delayed or emerging—along with the accompanying verbal violence and attempts to justify or downplay them, exposed deep societal polarization and highlighted the dangerous cost of delaying justice.
From emotional to rational
Acknowledging the wounds inflicted by the Assad era should have led to the recognition that Syria’s tyrannical past must not dictate its future possibilities. While it is essential to remember past injustices, it is equally important to treat them as lessons for what must never be repeated, rather than as constraints on Syria’s political imagination. Instead, Syrians have fallen into the trap of emotionalism, allowing legitimate anger to obstruct a genuine commitment to peaceful reform. Building the future solely on that anger risks perpetuating endless cycles of revenge.
The brief, monochromatic, and exclusionary nature of recent national dialogues—limited in both time and representation—undermined the emergence of a common Syrian narrative. In its place, one-dimensional narratives and ready-made scenarios have taken root. Today’s new authoritarianism in Syria has entrenched a form of “Syrian Salafism”, one that keeps the collective memory fixated on past traumas. In this worldview, Syrians settle for a present without Assad, as if the regime’s fall marks the culmination of the revolution, with mere survival elevated to a victory, and the vision for a better future all but abandoned. This mentality fosters a kind of “resigned mind,” one that President Ahmad al-Sharaa appealed to at the National Dialogue Conference on February 25, 2025, when he said: “Just as you have accepted this victory from us, I ask you to graciously accept the methods by which we achieved it.”
The past, whether intentionally or not, is often used to justify excessive security measures, presented as necessary safeguards against renewed chaos. This allows authoritarianism to further centralize power without fear of public backlash or demands for reform. The inclusion of a clause in the constitutional declaration criminalizing symbols of the Assad regime and anyone who defends or justifies its crimes serves not to promote justice, but to preserve a discourse of collective victimhood rooted in past suffering. This, in turn, helps the current regime cement its image as the guardian of national dignity, regardless of its failures to prevent further atrocities against Syrians.
To break free from this new Syrian Salafism, Syrians must shift from emotional reactions to a rational, comprehensive, and forward-looking strategy—one that aims to protect the lives, rights, and dignity of all citizens. The future must be predictable, participatory, and not dictated from above.
On the anniversary of their (still contested) revolution, Syrians do not need roses and lofty slogans to fall from the sky. They expect those roses to bloom in their own soil, and those slogans to be realized in their daily lives.
This article was translated and edited by The Syrian Observer. The Syrian Observer has not verified the content of this story. Responsibility for the information and views set out in this article lies entirely with the author.
