Search

Improvised Punishment in Syria: Public Humiliation and Malicious Arrests

These examples are not isolated incidents but symptomatic of a deeper issue, Daraj writes.
Improvised Punishment in Syria: Public Humiliation and Malicious Arrests

Publicly disciplining someone accused of “harassing” a girl or humiliating a university professor in front of his students based on a malicious report are not merely isolated incidents. They are glaring manifestations of the collapse of the rule of law, replaced by arbitrary actions carried out by unregulated committees and patrols.

In today’s Syria, where chaos and improvisation dominate the political and social landscape following the fall of the Assad regime last December, radical shifts in the balance of power and legal frameworks are evident. With the suspension of the constitution and the absence of a legitimate legal alternative, the country finds itself in a state of profound institutional disarray.

Before the regime’s fall, Syria operated under a highly centralized system where security forces wielded control over every aspect of political and social life, often at the expense of citizens’ rights and freedoms. The judiciary functioned as an instrument of political interests. However, the collapse of this centralized system did not result in greater freedoms or justice. Instead, it created a vacuum filled by competing factions that weaponized justice—more accurately, vengeance—as a tool to assert power, entirely devoid of any inclusive legal framework or unified vision.

Public Shaming as a Tool of Control

A recent video from the Rukn al-Din district in Damascus illustrates the severity of the situation. Armed members of the “Public Administration Authority” were seen cutting the hair of three 16-year-old schoolboys as punishment for alleged harassment. This public humiliation starkly contrasts with how such behaviors should be addressed—through structured educational or legal measures. Instead, these actions violate the teenagers’ dignity and send a chilling, oppressive message to society.

The issue goes beyond this singular incident. The same armed individuals, who have previously punished Syrians for accusations like theft or bullying, are ostensibly part of the restructured Syrian army following the Ministry of Defense’s efforts to integrate opposition factions. However, the absence of a clear chain of command or defined responsibilities has rendered their actions emblematic of the broader chaos engulfing the nation.

This lack of law and order damages the social fabric, as public punishments deepen societal rifts and alienate communities from local authorities. What should be corrective measures often inflict long-lasting psychological harm, especially on adolescents, fostering a sense of estrangement from and distrust in the state.

Misuse of Power and Arbitrary Arrests

A related question arises: why are military personnel, rather than police or public security, addressing school-level incidents like harassment? Such behavior, while indefensible, does not warrant intervention by soldiers. Are these actions sanctioned by higher authorities, or are they the product of individual impulses? Do these individuals see themselves as part of a legitimate military force, or are they acting on militia-like or jihadist principles, driven by notions of religious zeal or patriarchal guardianship over women?

In another troubling case, Dr. Sultan al-Salkhadi, a 70-year-old university professor, was arrested in the middle of a lecture at al-Sham University in al-Tal. A patrol entered the classroom, apprehended him in front of his students, and subjected him to public humiliation. This action, triggered by a complaint from a student, was carried out without a preliminary investigation to verify the allegations, which later proved to be baseless and malicious. Such abuses of power echo the oppressive tactics of the previous regime, where public humiliation was weaponized to suppress individuals regardless of the truth or validity of accusations.

These arbitrary arrests reflect a systemic absence of justice and transparency. The incident not only traumatized Dr. al-Salkhadi but also sent shockwaves through the academic community, reinforcing a sense of vulnerability and the lack of legal safeguards.

Erosion of Trust and Security

These examples are not isolated incidents but symptomatic of a deeper issue: the erosion of the rule of law and its replacement by arbitrary actions carried out by unregulated entities. The prevalence of “committees” and “patrols” highlights the emergence of a fragmented power structure, with punishments dictated by the whims of those in charge rather than consistent legal principles. Public humiliation, as seen in the case of harassment, is wielded to intimidate the community, while the malicious targeting of individuals, as in Dr. al-Salkhadi’s case, underscores the personal and vindictive misuse of authority.

This blurred distinction between judicial and executive functions perpetuates chaos and exacerbates citizens’ sense of insecurity, whether they are in public, at work, or even in their homes. The absence of a clear separation of powers leads to unchecked abuses and recalls situations like post-genocide Rwanda, where a lack of institutional boundaries fueled further violations. Conversely, examples like South Africa highlight the transformative potential of robust judicial oversight in fostering national reconciliation and institutional trust.

Toward a Reformed Legal Framework

The separation of powers is not merely a theoretical ideal but a practical necessity to ensure impartial justice. Reforming Syria’s legal system must begin with drafting a new constitution that redefines the relationships between governing authorities and guarantees fundamental rights. 

Historical examples offer valuable lessons. In post-apartheid South Africa, the establishment of an independent constitutional court ensured justice and accountability by strengthening judicial oversight over executive and legislative actions. Similarly, Germany’s post-World War II constitution built a legal system that balanced powers and prevented executive overreach. These models illustrate how a transparent, participatory process of drafting a constitution can restore institutional trust and protect citizens’ rights.

Beyond constitutional reform, restructuring the country’s law enforcement is critical. Transforming the current ad hoc committees and patrols into professional civilian police forces is essential. Such agencies must be built on principles of professionalism, receive thorough human rights training, and adhere to international standards. Independent oversight mechanisms must ensure transparency and hold violators accountable, paving the way for a just and equitable society.

Only through these comprehensive reforms can Syria begin to rebuild trust in its institutions and lay the foundation for a stable, law-abiding state.

 

This article was translated and edited by The Syrian Observer. The Syrian Observer has not verified the content of this story. Responsibility for the information and views set out in this article lies entirely with the author.

Helpful keywords