The Syrian catastrophe was not merely the result of authoritarian rule or an incomplete revolution; it was a profound reflection of the absence of political and intellectual elites capable of advancing an inclusive national project. Caught between a regime that treats the nation as a private estate and an opposition fragmented by loyalties and self-interest, Syria became lost in its search for a “saviour leader,” while the country itself remained without true founders to establish it.
The Hollowing of Political Concepts
Political concepts were either willfully or ignorantly stripped of their essence. Both the regime and parts of the opposition propagated the notion that democracy is nothing more than a ballot box—as if Syria’s crisis were simply a struggle to replace one man with another, rather than a fight to reconstruct the state from its very foundations. Elections became an end in themselves, not a means to genuine transformation. Crucial questions were left unasked: How do we draft a new social contract? How do we safeguard the rights of all citizens, regardless of ethnicity, religion, or political affiliation? How do we build a state governed by law, not by family, sect, or party?
Within this vacuum, the myth of the “saviour leader” was revived. Individuals were presented as potential alternatives—not for their state-building visions, but because Arab and Western media found in them a convenient means to fill the void and stave off chaos. Thus, Syria remained trapped in its search for the “right man,” when what it truly needed were statesmen and nation-builders—not crisis managers.
In every successful democratic transition, the presence of “founding fathers” has been indispensable—elites who understood their nation’s geography and history, who grasped demographic and economic shifts, and who possessed the courage to draft a new constitution, rather than recycle authoritarian rule.
For over a decade, Syria lacked such an elite. No one dared to confront the issues of displacement and demographic change. No one addressed the question of wealth and resources—who owns them, and who has the right to manage them. No figure emerged capable of rising above the narrow confines of sect, tribe, and foreign allegiance.
The Pivotal Founding Moment
Elsewhere in the world, nations engulfed in blood and chaos succeeded because they seized that pivotal founding moment. The United States, for instance, emerged from a brutal civil war to produce political elites who authored a constitution that has endured for centuries—managing diversity through law and social contract, not dominance and violence.
South Africa chose reconciliation and justice over vengeance. Nelson Mandela and his comrades drafted a new constitution that guaranteed equal rights and safeguarded a delicate social balance.
Post-WWII Germany enacted the Bonn Constitution, placing human dignity at the core of the national project. Crucially, the new republic was built not on denial but on acknowledgment of past crimes and a commitment to never repeat them.
Even Chile, after Pinochet’s dictatorship, confronted its history by establishing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, placing the memory of victims at the heart of the state to prevent future tragedies.
The Pitfall of Failure
Conversely, some nations fell into the pitfall of failure due to their lack of founding elites.
Post-2003 Iraq is a stark example that toppling a tyrant does not equate to building a state. National elites were absent, replaced by a sectarian and ethnic quota system that deepened social fractures and plunged the country into ongoing conflict and civil strife.
Libya, after Gaddafi, devolved into a battleground for warlords and militias. The moment of foundation was lost in power struggles, not debates over state structure, leading to chaos and devastation.
Even Tunisia, which made a tentative effort to draft a new constitution post-revolution, quickly regressed into authoritarianism. Resistance from the deep state, the rise of populism, and political upheaval derailed what was once the region’s most promising experiment in state-building.
What united all successful transitions was a recognition of one simple truth: no state can be rebuilt without confronting its past. Transitional justice is not a luxury—it is a moral and political imperative. It prevents recurring atrocities, honours victims, and opens the path to genuine reconciliation.
In Syria, this essential process has been wholly neglected. The new leadership has yet to propose a clear plan for justice or accountability. Syrians remain trapped in a bloodstained memory, with no horizon beyond revenge.
Leaders of the Moment
Amid a global tide of populism, Syria cannot afford further drift. It needs genuine elites to draft a constitution for all Syrians and forge a national project—not merely replace one ruling class with another.
The continued manufacture of “leaders of the moment” and the promotion of figures devoid of national vision can only lead to renewed bloodshed and a state riddled with hatred and vengeance. Only foundational elites—intimately familiar with Syria’s intricacies—can draft a new social contract and initiate a transitional period culminating in free elections that reflect the will of all, not the triumph of one faction over another.
In the end, nations are not built on the rubble of hatred, nor are states forged in backroom deals or television studios. What Syria needs is not a new face or superficial elections, but an elite with the courage to found, not merely manage, ruin—an elite willing to confront the past rather than bury it, and to craft a social contract that redefines nationhood, citizenship, and justice.
Absent this, Syria will remain locked in a bloody cycle where victims and executioners trade roles, and every attempt at salvation becomes a prelude to fresh carnage. Only a founding project—not a quest for power—can restore the nation’s soul and offer its people one final chance to escape this inferno.
This article was translated and edited by The Syrian Observer. The Syrian Observer has not verified the content of this story. Responsibility for the information and views set out in this article lies entirely with the author.
