After sixteen years of serving Bashar al-Assad and the Syrian regime, Khaled al-Abboud, a member of the Syrian People’s Assembly, realized that applause alone was insufficient to gain the regime’s approval. In Syria, all political and media figures are mere decorations, easily replaced at the end of their roles, allowing the regime to speak about renewal, diversity, and transparency, thereby supporting official propaganda that promotes the illusion of democracy in Syria.
The National Unity List in Daraa governorate, dominated by Baath party members, saw a 62% repetition compared to 2020, with few changes, notably the exclusion of Abboud, a prominent defender of the regime on local and Arab screens in recent years. Other lists supervised by the Baath party in various governorates have seen very minor changes, highlighted by loyalist media to suggest a significant and real change in the country, portrayed as a “fateful moment” every election season.
Abboud, 61, exemplifies what political change means in Assad’s Syria, affecting only marginal figures without political weight. He has been a member of the People’s Assembly since 2008 for the Socialist Unionist Party, part of the National Progressive Front (NPF), formed by former President Hafez al-Assad in 1972 to permanently stifle political and partisan life in Syria. Since 2011, legislative elections have gained media attention for the Syrian regime, encouraging Syrians to vote and linking national affiliation to the elections: “If you do not participate, you are a traitor fulfilling the wishes of Syria’s enemies.” Thus, “participation is the goal, while the result is secondary,” as elections, whatever their circumstances, affirm the regime’s institutional structure, a common refrain in Syrian media today.
Insights into the Baath Party’s Candidate Lists for the People’s Assembly Membership
The state-run al-Thawra newspaper urged Syrians to vote massively on July 15, stating, “your vote is a trust,” and claiming the elections are “exceptional,” marking “the beginning of a qualitative leap” and demonstrating Syrians’ determination to move towards stability and victory despite harsh economic conditions. Tishreen newspaper emphasized the importance of the People’s Assembly and its membership, likening it to the surprise French elections with the largest turnout in over 40 years, forming a republican front to counter the extreme right. Reading the official Syrian media’s portrayal of the elections might lead one to believe in a similarly event, despite the country’s lack of power rotation since the 1960s and the absence of democratic and transparent foundations.
This intense media engagement mocks Syrians’ intelligence and reflects the isolation the country has experienced at all levels for decades, including politically. Within this framework, propagandists and official media workers believe in the democracy they speak of, considering their portrayal of elections as a national event part of their duty to convey truth and reality, unaware of the triviality they discuss, arguing that democracy itself cannot exist in a totalitarian state like Assad’s Syria.
After the Syrian revolution, democracy became part of the regime’s narrative, a trademark flaunted in the face of the world and its people. The regime, previously focused on stability, security, and safety, shifted to emphasizing “real democracy” versus “fake democracy” after the revolution demanded political reform, more freedoms, and real change. Foreign Minister Faisal Mekdad claimed in 2021 that Syrian elections were better than their “farce” counterpart in the United States. The entire scene resembles an out-of-control circus, familiar to every Syrian living under Baath rule since the 1960s, with legislative and presidential elections turning into forced seasons to renew allegiance and loyalty by showcasing the “civilized image of Syria” with “real democracy” versus “fake democracy” of Western countries, as per the Baath newspaper. This media narrative may mislead those unfamiliar with Syria, which is likely the intent of such propaganda, disseminated in Arabic and translated into English on social media.
This article was translated and edited by The Syrian Observer. The Syrian Observer has not verified the content of this story. Responsibility for the information and views set out in this article lies entirely with the author.
